«Я не думаю, що країни НАТО хочуть, щоб їх вважали стороною конфлікту. І я не певен, що це може бути корисним. Важливо, щоб вони створювали умови для того, щоб Україна була успішною, і надавали необхідну підтримку. Це процес, який займає багато часу. Зі своєї точки зору, я бачу прогрес в цій сфері, але станом на зараз Україна перебуває в критичній ситуації, яка потребує додаткової підтримки. І знову ж таки, процес прийняття рішень не встигає за тим, що потрібно для підтримки успішної української кампанії».

Чи готовий Альянс змінити сприйняття непричетності до конфлікту, зважаючи, зокрема, на те, що націлені на Україну російські ракети входять в повітряний простір НАТО?

В новому епізоді подкасту "(не) Безпечна країна" його ведуча Аліна Фролова говорить з Деннісом Гілленспорре, доцентом кафедри політики та стратегії безпеки Шведського університету оборони, генерал-лейтенантом у відставці, який був командувачем силами Багатопрофільної комплексної стабілізаційної місії ООН в Малі (2018-2021 рр.). Розмова про перспективи перемоги України над ворогом, про озброєння і тактику війни, про США та Швецію, про НАТО, Чорноморський регіон, а також про перспективи розміщення іноземних військ в Україні.

"I don't think NATO countries want to be seen as a part of the conflict. And that's not helpful either. The important part is for them to be committed to setting conditions for Ukraine to be successful and provide the support needed. This is a process that takes a lot of time. From where I stand, I see also in this area of progress, but, I mean Ukraine is in an urgent situation now for additional support. Again, the process of decision-making is not keeping up with what is needed in support of a successful Ukrainian campaign".

Is the Alliance ready to change its perception of non-involvement in the conflict, considering that Russian missiles targeting Ukraine are periodically entering NATO airspace?

In the new episode of the podcast "(un)Safe Country", its host Alina Frolova talks to Lieutenant General (ret.) Dr Dennis Gyllensporre, Associate Professor in Security Policy and Strategy at the Swedish Defence University, Force Commander of the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) from 2018 to 2021. The conversation is about the prospects of Ukraine's victory, weapons and tactics of war, the United States and Sweden, NATO and its role in the Black Sea region, and the prospects for the deployment of foreign troops in Ukraine.

"The declaration of the alliance states was if ever Russia is pushing into one NATO member country, NATO will react. But if they are voluntarily pushing and we know that Russia is always dancing on the red lines. And it's a very dangerous game for everybody. I think that we had to keep in memory that each time Russia tests the limits, they did it with Georgia, they did it with Crimea, they did it in the Donbas war, using proxies and sock puppets, openly starting an invasion in Ukraine. And each time for the case that I mentioned, like Georgia, like Crimea, they observed the reaction of the Western countries. After this observation, they re-evaluate the capacity of reaction, what are the red lines and what are not. They replenish and they push a little more. And each time it is what they are doing. And this is why we are to be very careful. And this is why it has been said that Russia is a threat to the global security and that Western countries had to admit it and to keep that in mind".

What level of threat from the Russian Federation must be reached for NATO countries to start responding militarily?

In the new episode of the (un)Safe Country podcast, its permanent host Alina Frolova talks to Christine Dugoin-Clément, geopolitical analyst, and associate researcher specialising in strategies of influence, cyber and AI. The conversation is about the difference between the war waged by Russia against Ukraine and the wars that took place before, the way of thinking in this war, the influence operations by Russia, France's position and attitudes towards the war in Ukraine, what needs to be done to improve the policy of defending democracy and what other countries can do to defend democracy in the cognitive plane.