Tolstoy affirms that only the will of the Deity, who is not dependent on time, can make sense of any monumental event or series of events.

Tolstoy acknowledges his belief in an omnipotent God, who determines the Way. This majestic being is something we can never come close to understanding. Even the most renowned, like Napoleon, cannot veer humanity in the direction they intend. This is because man acts in his limited time and sphere. Thus, historians who attribute grand events to so-called “Great Men,” are engaged in a vain pursuit. This outlook is not surprising given Tolstoy’s affinity of Scripture, particularly the Wisdom literature of Job and Ecclesiastes.

In analyzing the futility of attributing an effect to a purported cause, Tolstoy proffers that no command can be executed without an endless chain of proceeding orders. There is no such thing as a command that appears spontaneously. At best, we can say every command and event refers to a sliver in time that can only have influence over the fraction that comes after.

Tolstoy suggests there is a general consensus that paramount decisions are made akin to the setting in motion of a clock -- such that a single command is often thought to govern a whole series of occurrences. For example, “Napoleon wished to invade Russia and did so in 1812.” However, Napoleon could never have commanded such a movement in one fell swoop. Instead, there were countless preceding missives and orders to his generals as well as the leaders of Vienna, Berlin and St. Petersburg. It is more accurate to say that events took on a direction that humanity, for some impossible to define reason, were ready to move in. The true reasons behind such movements are something only The Deity can comprehend.

Tolstoy reflects that Napoleon was more of a natural adversary of England. Therefore, there was a greater chance of him coming up with a plan to invade England as opposed to crossing the Vistula River.

Tolstoy posits that for any order to be executed -- in a philosophical sense – it is necessary that said order be possible. This is not only in the case in military endeavors, but in everyday transactions, for there are always a myriad of contingencies that could arise to prevent a command’s execution. With respect to invading Russia, there would have been many directives that if analyzed soberly and in hindsight, would never have been possible.

We have this false conception that an event is caused by a command because what occurred is looked at as a plan coming together. Yet for every directive executed there are an immense number unexecuted and forgotten. Thus, Tolstoy goes back to his theme -- that it is virtually impossible to attribute causes to grand historical events.

Tolstoy then turns to wrestling regarding the nature of power in looking at how commands and directives play out between related events, that is between very close in time events. Tolstoy finds it important to understand the roles of those giving and taking orders. In most endeavors, there are small numbers giving orders and large numbers subject to them. In military life, army leadership resembles a cone where the thickest part, the base, consists of the rank and file. Here exists the domain of the soldiers, who are told where to march and who to kill. On the next level are the noncommissioned officers, who give commands to soldiers below and get into action less frequently. An officer like Andrei customarily participates even less in the battles, but commands more. At the top, there is the commander like Kutuzov or Napoleon, who rarely takes direct part in the action.

Tolstoy feels there is similar relation of people (between the few who give orders and the majority who take them) in most common activities—including in agriculture and trade. It is this relationship which constitutes the essence of power. For example, while Napoleon may be given credit or blame for the way a particular battle turned out, All the people in the cone have a voice! When the overwhelming majority figuratively decide to swim in the same direction, that is where the greatest power lies. Thus, Napoleon guided people toward where they were already headed. Yet behind it all is a Deity, whose guiding influence we will never fully grasp.

At 8 a.m. Kutuzov rode towards Pratzen Village. He took command of a regiment he came across and led it into the Village. The other columns were advancing towards a massive valley, where the battle was picking up. Andrei, who was among Kutuzov’s suite, was in a state of constrained excitement. He was convinced this day would be his Toulon, the battle that made Napoleon. Andrei’s motivation to be hero of this world was at an apex. He would give his life, his family, even his soul, to be admired.

Andrei was keen to troop positions and analyzing how the battle would develop. He could hear musket fire from the valley but could only visualize a sliver of the action. He sensed where the major fighting would concentrate and imagined leading a regiment while hoisting a Battle Flag, perhaps dropped by someone in the units he was observing. He envisioned charging forward with the Standard, breaking the will of the enemy. Nevertheless, he accepted his battle plans were never considered and it was full steam ahead with the attack attributed to General Franz Von Weyrother.

Andrei took in a clear sky that was still somewhat dark. In the East, the sun was rising. Well in front of him were some wooded hills. He figured the French were within those woods. He could see the gleaming of bayonets as soldiers advanced into that obscured area. He also observed masses of cavalry disappear in the fog. All around him moved infantry.

Kutuvoz reached the edge of the Village and observed various troops pass. He was irritated by their disorganization. He scolded a commander, noting it would be better to go around the Village in a less visible movement, to not show off their numbers.

He noticed Andrei when an Austrian officer was asked about the advance. Kutuzov ignored the inquiry and his caustic feelings softened upon seeing his adjunct. He told Andrei to find the third division, tell it to halt and confirm whether sharpshooters and skirmishers were posted. He believed the enemy was close and the troops needed to bunker down.

Andrei galloped off and overtook various battalions and spoke with a colonel of the third division, who was surprised at Kutuzov’s order. The colonel felt placing rifleman was a waste. He was under the impression there were a multitude of allies between them and the French, who were believed to be six miles away. Andrei reported this to Kutuzov, who is presented as a stodgy old man going against the grain of command. Kutuzov soon noticed the pageantry of the approach of the two Emperors, who approved of the aggression. Tolstoy explores a fictional but quite symbolic meeting between the three.

Kutuzov rode up to the Emperors and became uncharacteristically deferential. The Czar quickly grasped the presentation was not authentic and was offended. Alexander appeared thinner after the brief illness cause by experiencing the reality of War. Yet he is described as an energetic good-hearted youth possessing the essence of majesty. Emperor Francis is described as stoic as well as having a rosy complexion and long face. Alexander was surrounded by some famous historic names, including: Adam Czartoryski, Nikolay Novosíltsev and Pavel Strogonov. Tolstoy contrasts their perceived brilliance and energy with Kutuzov’s age and demeanor. Alexander’s clique is compared to a whiff of fresh air.

The Emperor address a critical question to Kutuzov: “Why aren’t you beginning, Michael Ilariónovich?” Kutuzov responds, “I am waiting, Your Majesty, as not all the columns have formed up.” The Czar did not like the reply and noted: “You know, Michael Ilariónovich, we are not on the Empress’ Field where a parade does not begin till all the troops are assembled.” Kutuzov then retorts with a degree of defiance, “That is why I do not begin, sire, because we are not on parade and not on the Empress’ Field.” The Emperors’ aides exchanged looks expressing reproach. A silence permeated for about a minute, where the Czar looked intently into Kutuzov’s eyes. Kutozov eventually deferred, saying he would proceed if commanded.

Soon enough, all the troops again began to move, with a number having the honor of passing the two Emperors. One column was led by Mikhail Miloradovich and included an Azerbyzioni regiment, who the Emperor called out to and encouraged.

The doomed advance commenced around 5 a.m., when still quite dark. The idea was for General Bagration’s left flank to initiate the attack on the French right flank and drive the enemy into the mountains.

Officers were hurriedly drinking tea and eating a decent breakfast while buttoning their coats and buckling their swords. Battalion and regimental commanders, along with their adjuncts, mounted their horses and gave final instructions. Austrian guides were now moving among the troops and heralding the advance.

Those who would be moving were anxious amidst the cold and mist. The soldiers had been eating their rations, which consisted of a biscuit, while some beat their feet (while sitting around fires) to a tolerable warmth. The allied army reached a critical point, to either keep what they had or destroy it. Thus, into the fires went chairs, tables, wheels and everything that was not needed or could not be carried. The men then hoisted their bags onto carts, readied their muskets, and ran to form rank. There were a lot of non-combatant equipment men and logistics people who harnessed and packed the wagons.

Soon the tramp of thousands of marching feet resounded. The throng moved without seeing where they were headed, as great masses of familiar men were surrounded by smoke and fog. For most, their senses heightened and they listened intently and looked about, each strengthened by their numbers.

The columns thus advanced, descending and ascending hills, going over new and unknown ground. Nowhere did they encounter the French. The troops marched with enthusiasm for about an hour before the greater part had to halt and an unpleasant consciousness of some blunder spread. Tolstoy notes how such a mindset moves through such a body so rapidly is impossible to define. It was understood that large units were crossing one other. For example, in one area, several thousand cavalry crossed in front of the infantry. In contrast to the jovial spirit with which the troops had started, they were now filled with vexation and anger. The disorder was attributed to “those stupid Germans,” often called “sausage-eaters.” There were even visible altercations between some Austrian and Russian leaders. While stationary, the troops grew listless and dispirited.

After this inauspicious development that lasted the better part of an hour, some soldiers started to hear shots. It was beyond the fog and irregular but then came at more frequent intervals. A small contingent who expected to come upon the enemy down by a stream stumbled upon the French in the fog. Similar interactions, of advancing and halting and exchanging uneven shots with the enemy, played out among the first, second and third columns in the lowlands, amidst thick fog.

The 4th column, which Kutuzov was with, stood on the Infamous Pratzen Heights. On this higher ground, much of the field was becoming observable as the day developed and sun rose.

High up in the village of Schlappanitz –the Great Napoleon stood with his marshals, observing the field and the Pratzen Heights. He was basking in the crimson sun that was rising in a striking blue sky. He donned the famous blue cloak he wore on his Italian campaign, sitting on his gray Arab horse. He gazed at the hills which seemed to rise out of the sea of mist and on which his adversaries were moving, listening to the sounds of firing. He is imbued by as already having the air of having victory.

One part of the Russian forces already descended into a valley toward the ponds and lakes and another were leaving the Pratzen Heights, which Napolean abandoned before the battle but intended to retake and regarded as the key position.

Napoleon plainly noticed the disorderly movement of his enemy and that the columns moving near The Pratzen Heights constituted the center of the Russian army, which was sufficiently weakened to be successfully attacked.