York City Councillor Bob Webb discusses the York Right to Food movement, what has been accomplished so far, and the way forward. He also outlines what needs to be done to reduce poverty on a national level.

An interview with Dr Hannah Barham-Brown, the Women's Equality Party's candidate for the North Yorkshire Police, Fire and Crime Commissioner by-election

Helen Jones of the York Disability Rights Forum discusses the city's permanent ban on blue badge parking

An interview with James Barker, Liberal Democrat's candidate for the North Yorkshire Police, Fire and Crime Commissioner by-election 

Cllr Michael Pavlovic, York Labour's housing spokesperson, discusses York's housing problems, what his party is doing to raise awareness of the issue, how his party is bringing the current Lib Dem and Green coalition to account, and what his party will do differently if elected next.

An interview with Emma Scott-Spivey, Labour's candidate for the North Yorkshire Police, Fire and Crime Commissioner by-election

The term ‘ethnicity’ carries a broad range of connotations. It is highly subjective and typically self-reported, and different organisations use different terms to describe ethnicity. I self-identify as a British Bangladeshi and a Catholic Christian.

I’ve had the opportunity to observe how ethnic minorities are represented politically inside the York Labour Party. York Labour has a considerable and growing ethnic minority membership, but when it comes to ethnic minority representation in various leadership roles to represent the local party nationally, and also as local councillor candidates, there is a substantial gap for many reasons.

Ethnic minority representation in York Labour Party

The York Labour Party leadership may argue that they have gone to great lengths to encourage ethnic minorities to participate, become active in the party, rise to leadership positions, and run for local councillor and even Member of Parliament positions. 

The leadership may therefore be wondering why, despite their passion and dedication to increasing ethnic minority political engagement and leadership, ethnic minorities are not putting themselves forward for leadership positions or being elected as local councillors or parliamentarians. Or simply, why ethnic minorities are not represented in leadership jobs inside the York Labour Party. Or indeed, why ethnic minorities join or vote for them and then wait for occasional support and the next election to come and vote and post on social media that I voted Labour.

Who is to blame if not York’s ethnic minorities? Are they slothful, or do they lack the necessary qualities and skills for political leadership? I personally know dozens of ethnic minorities in York who are politically active, intellectual, and demonstrate leadership in the domains in which they work, including academia, the charitable sector, health, and marketing, to name a few. I also want to acknowledge that York's ethnic minority groups are not homogeneous and that the reasons they do not or cannot participate equally in political and public life and why equal representation of ethnic minorities is lacking should not be attributed solely to political parties or ethnic minority groups, but to the system that allows it.

York political parties and diversity

The York Labour Party is led by a devoted group of individuals committed to fostering equality and diversity at all levels, including ethnic minorities. Rachael Maskell, the Labour (Co-op) Member of Parliament for York Central, is an outspoken advocate for equality and diversity in the city and inside the party. In addition, Councillor Pete Kilbane, head of the York Labour group, is pioneering by assisting the city’s Black leaders in bringing a motion to declare York an anti-racist city. The Labour councillor has previously been outspoken in welcoming Syrian refugees and, more recently, Afghan refugees to the city.

So, why does the York Labour Party continue to lack ethnic minority leadership, and is the same issue reflected in other political parties in York? York Liberal Democrats, York Green Party, and York Conservatives all lack ethnic minority leadership within their parties and, as far as I am aware, they do not have ethnic minority candidates waiting to run for the role of councillor or member of parliament in the next election.

These political parties all have different political objectives and agendas. What they have in common is that they all lack ethnic minority leadership within the party and have been without a member of parliament candidate from an ethnic minority population for an extended period, which could continue if systemic and institutional failures continue in their current form. I also encourage readers to consider whether there is a segment of the politi

For various reasons, marginalised people like myself and vulnerable asylum seekers arriving by boat to UK shores are rarely heard from. Nevertheless, we have a lot to say to you. The UK government’s proposed Nationality and Borders Bill is politically expedient, not principled.

I attempt to put myself in the shoes of those desperate asylum seekers who put their life on the line knowing they may not make it to their destination. Unfortunately, while you, as a reader, and I, as a writer, and those policymakers in our safe place have the option to choose sides, the sea does not. The sea does not care where you come from or who you are; the sea does not discriminate; and the sea can kill, particularly those in those fragile boats. These asylum seekers are heroes fleeing persecution, oppressive governments, and, in many cases, wars in search of protection, security, and a better life. These asylum seekers are actual heroes, but if the current bill is passed, they will become criminals the moment they arrive in the UK. It should be highlighted that arriving in the United Kingdom by sea is not already a crime, but it will be if the law is passed. It's important to remember that the right to seek asylum is not contingent on the means of arrival. The bill is predicated on a two-tiered discriminatory approach to asylum, distinguishing between those who arrive legally, such as through resettlement and family reunion visas, and those who arrive irregularly. Access to asylum and protection in the UK would undoubtedly become significantly more difficult for individuals who enter the country irregularly.

Readers should keep in mind that an asylum seeker’s right to seek and enjoy refuge does not depend on their regular arrival in a country. Throughout the world, asylum seekers are often compelled to enter or enter a region without prior authorization. Restricting access to the UK Asylum System for irregular arrivals is neither an effective nor a viable solution to the system's current deficiencies. 

The bill proposes the creation of a substandard 'temporary protection status' based on an individual's circumstances of entry into the UK. It creates a category of refugees who are denied the full range of rights provided by the 1951 Convention, including the right to family life and prospects for integration. The proposed 'temporary protection status' would be an unfair penalty for asylum seekers who have already been treated unfairly by the country they are fleeing from. It would also create a group of people who will be reliant on the state for a long period of time, unable to contribute fully to society because the system has discriminated against them.

It is frequently said that asylum seekers are arriving from France–a safe country–and that they should have sought asylum in their first country of arrival. But we must remember that the law does not require them to do this. Asylum seekers have the right to seek asylum anywhere they feel safe and appropriate. Many asylum seekers come to the UK for a variety of reasons, including having family, relatives, or a well-established community in the country, or other relevant connections. I am concerned that if the bill becomes law, asylum seekers will be denied refuge based on the premise that persons should seek asylum in the first secure country they reach.

There are also alarming proposals in the bill for legal changes that would allow the United Kingdom Government, in the future, to continue to develop offshore asylum processing capacity while still complying with international responsibilities. I'd want to remind readers of evidence suggesting that offshoring asylum procedures frequently results in coercive transfers of refugees to nations with inadequate asylum processes, treatment standards, and resources. Asylum seekers may be kept indefinitely in remote areas, placing their lives in considerable